
THE 



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BORDER RUFFIAN CODE IN KANSAS. 



TiiK character of the Code of pretended Laws enacted by the bogus Territorial Legislature 
of Kansas — a TjOgislature notoriously forced upon the people of that Territory, at the hands 
of invading ruffians from Missouri, using the persuasive arguments of the Bowie-Knife and 
Revolver — may be judged from the following extracts, whicli are taken from Executive Docu- 
ment No. 23, submitted to Congress by the President of the United Stare.^, and printed by the 
public printer to Congress. The Document forms a volume of 822 pages, and is entitled 
" Laws of the Territory of Kansas." We commence with the following, which will be found 
commencing on page 604, and which will provoke its own comments: 



Chaiter 151.— slaves. 
An Act to Punish Offences against Slave Property. 



1. Persons raisin? insurrection punlsliable with death. 

2. Aliit-r iiiiui.-thiUilt^ Willi death. 
8. Wliat coni<tilut.(!< fylntiy. 

4. Puiiishiiivnt for dtciying away slares. 

6. PuiiUhnn-nt fur as5l>tiii(t ulaveS. 

6. What lU-eini'ii prund larceny. 

7. What (leenjeJ felooy. 



$ 8. PunUhment for concealing 8la7M. 

9. Puiilslmieiil fur rescuing ■•laves from officer. 
It). Penalty on officer who refuses to aistst In captarlog 
slaves. 

11. Printing of Incemilary document*. 

12. \Vhal deemed a felony. 

18. Who are qaaliflod as juron. 



Be it enacted by the Ooternor and Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Kansas^ asfollovot: 

Skution 1. That every person, bond or free, who shall be convicted of actually raising a 
rebellion or insurrectiou of slaves, free negroes, or muhittoe.s, in this Territory, shall suffer 
death. 

Bko. 2. Every free person who sli.ill aid or assist in any rebellion or insurrection of slaves 
free nt'jp-ocs, or muiailocs, or slj;i][ furnish arms, or do any overt act in furtherance of such 
rebellion or insurrection, sjjall sutrer death. 

8ko. 8. If any free |>erson shall, by .';])eaking, writing, or printing, advise, persuade, or in- 
diu;i> any slaves to rebel, conspire a^'ainst, or murder any citizen of this Territory, or shall 
briiiL' into, print, write, publish or circnlato. or cause to be bronglit into, printed, written, 
piibli lied or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in the bringing into, printing, writing, 
publishing, or circnlatiiiir in this Territory, any book, paper, matraziiie, pamphlet, or circular, 
for tlie purpose of excitini.' insurrection, rebellion, revolt, or con>i)iracy on tiie part of the 
slaves, free negroes, or midattoes, against the citizens of the Territory or any part of them, 
such pers-on shall be guilty of felony, and shall sulFer death, 

Sko. 4. If any per-on sliall entice, doooy, or carry away out of this Territory, any slave 
beloiiinng t^ inoihor, with intent to deprive tlie owner thereof of the servicers of such' .-jlave, 
or with intent to etTect or jirooiire tlie freedom of such slave, he shiiil be adjndtred guilty 
of grand larceny and, on conviction thereof, shall sulFer death, or be imprisoned at itard 
labor f(jr not less tlian ten years. 

Seo. 5. If any person sludl .'dd or assist in enticing, decoying, or persnadinir, or carrying 
aw.iy or sendin,^ - 'l r^\ this Terriuiry any slave belonging Ui aiiollier, witli intent to procure 
' effect the fr'»' ...ni of suoh slave, or wiili intent tt) deprive the owner tliereof of the ser- 
vices of such slave, lie shall be adjudired ^tnilty of grand larceny, and, on conviction tliereof, 
shhil suH'er death, or bt- iinprisoneil at hfird labor for not less llian ten yvars, 

Sko. 6. If any persmi shall eiitit-e, decoy, or carry away out of any State or other Terri- 
tory of the United Si.'\:(.s any slave belonging to another, with intent t<» procure or elfect 
the freedom of suoh slave, or to deprive tlie owner thereof of the services of bucIi slave, and, 
shall bring such slave into thia Territory, he shall be adjndg«d guilty of grand larceny, in 



foco ■ 



h6 same manner as if such slave had been enticed, decoyed, or carried away ont of thia 
rerritory, and in such case the larceny may be charged to have been committed in any 
jounty of this Territory, into or through which such slave shall have been iJrought by such 
)erson, and on conviction thereof, the person offending shall suffer death, or be imprisoned 
it hard labor for not less than ten years. 

Seo. 7. If any person shall entice, persuade, or induce any slave to escape from the service 
>f his master or owner, in this Territory, or shall aid or assist any slave in escaping from the 
ervice of his master or owner, or shall aid, assist, harbor, or conceal any slave who may 
lave escaped from the service of his master or owner, he shall be deemed guilty of felony, and 
)unished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of not less than five years. 

Sec. 8. If any person in this Territory shall aid or assist, harbor or conceal any slave who 
las escaped from the service of his master or owner, in another State or Territory, such per- 
on shall be punished in like manner as if such slave had escaped from the service of his 
caster or owner in this Territory. 

Seo. 9. If any person shall resist any officer while attempting to arrest any slave that may 
lave escaped from the service of his master or owner, or shall rescue such slave wlien in the 
lustody of any officer or other person, or shall entice, persuade, aid or assist such slave to 
iscape from the custody of any officer or other person who may have such slave in custody, 
whether such slave have escaped from the service of his master or owner in this Territory or 
a any other State or Territory, the person so offending shall be guilty of felony and punished 
•y imprisonment at hard labor for a term of not less than two years. 

Seo, 10. If any marshal, sheriff, or constable, or the deputy of any such officer, sliall, 
vhen required by any person, refuse to aid or assist in the arrest and capture of any slave 
hat may have escaped from the service of his master or owner, whether such slave shall have 
scaped from his master or owner in this Territory, or any State or other Territory, such offi- 
;er shall be fined in a sum of not less than one hundred nor more than five hundred dollars. 

Seo. 11. If any person print, write, introduce into, publish or circulate, or cause to be brought 
nto, printed, written, published, or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in bringing 
nto, printing, publishing, or circulating within this Territory, any book, paper, [)am|)hlet, 
nagazine, handbill or circular, containing any statements, arguments, opinions, sentiment, 
loctrine, advice, or innuendo, calculated to produce a disorderly, dangerous, or rebellious dis- 
iffection among the slaves in this Territory, or to induce such slaves to escape from the ser- 
ncQ of their masters, or to resist their authority, he shall be guilty of felony, and be punished 
»y imprisonment and hard labor for a terra of not less than five years. 

Sec. 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writing, assert or maintain that persons 
lave not the right to hold slaves in this Territory, or shall introduce into this Territory, print, 
)ublish, write, circulate, or cause to be introduced into this Territory, written, printed, pub- 
ished, or circulated in this Territory, any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet, or circular, 
jontaining any denial of the right of persons to hold slaves in this Territory, such pei'son 
hall ba deemed guilty of felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of 
lOt less than two years. 

Sec. 13. No person who is conscientiously opposed to holding slaves, or who does not 
idmit the right to hold slaves in this Territory, shall sit as a juror on the trial of any prose- 
jution for any violation of any of the sections of this act. ' 

This act to take effect and be in force from and after the fifteenth day of September 
L D., 1855. ,_^ 



' * \ 



QUALIFICATIONS OF ELEOTOKS— TEST OATHS. 

" An Act to regulate Elections " contains the following sections, page 282, chap. 66, 

Seo. 11. Every free white male citizen of the United States, and every free male Indian 
Nho is made. a citizen by treaty or otherwise, and over the age of twenty-one years, who 
ihall be an inhabitant of this Territory, and of the county or district in which he offers to 
j'ote, and shall have paid a territorial tax, shall be a qualified elector fvr all elective otlicurs; 
md all Indians who are inhabitants of this Territory, and who may b" ,e adopted the customs 
)f the white man, and who are liable to pay taxes, sliall be deemed cuize'' • Provided, That 
30 soldier, seaman or mariner, in the regular army or navy of the Unitea States, sliall be 
sntitled to vote, by reason of being on service therein : And provided further. That no 
lerson who shall have been convicted of any violation of any provision of an act of Con- 
gress, entitled "An act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from tho 
service of their masters," approved February 12, 1793 ; or of an act to amend and supple- 
mentary to said act, approved 18th September, 1850; whether such conviction were by 



i 




criininal proceeding or by civil action for the recovery of any penalty prescribed by either of 
said acts, in any courts of the United States, or of any State or Territory, or of any offence 
deemed infamous, shall be entitled to vote at any election, or to hold any office in this 
Territory : And provided further. That if any person offering to vote shall be challenged and 
required to take an oatli or affirmation, to be administered by one of the judges' of the 
election, that he will sustain the provisions of the above recited acts of Congress, and of the 
act entitled " An act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas," approved May 30, 
185-i, and shall refuse to take such oath or affirmation, the vote of such person shall be 
rejected. 

Sec. 12. Every person possessing the qualification of a voter, as hereinabove prescribed, 
and who shall have resided in this Territory thirty days prior to the election, at which he 
may offer himself as a candidate, shall be eligible as a delegate to the House of Representa- 
tives of the United States, to either branch of the legislative assembly, and to all otiier offices 
in this Territory, not otherwise especially provided for: Provided^ however^ That each mem- 
ber of the legislative assembly, and every officer elected or appointed to office under the laws 
of this Territory, shall, in addition to the oath or affirmation specially provided to be taken 
by such officer, take an oath or affirmation to support the Constitution of the United States, 
the provisions of an act entitled " An act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping 
from the service of their masters," approved February 12, 1793; and of an act to amend and 
supplementary to said last mentioned act, approved September 18, 1850; and of an act 
entitled "Au act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas," approved Mjiy 80, 
1854. 

Sec. 19. Whenever any person shall offer to vote, he shall be presumed to be entitled to 
vote. 

Seo. 20. Whenever any person offers to vote, his vote may be challenged by one of the 
judges or by any voter, and the judges of the election may examine him touching his right to 
vote; and if so examined, no evidence to contradict shall be received. Or the judges may, 
in the first instance, receive other evidence; in which event, the applicant may if he desire 
it, demand to be sworn, but his testimony shall not then be conclusive. 

Again, on page 438, in Chap. 117, '■'■ An Act regulating oaths, and prescribing the form of 
oaths of office " the following enactments may be found : 

Section 1, All officers elected or appointed under any existing or subsequently-enacted 

laws of this Territory, shall take and subscribe the following oath of office: " I, , do 

solemnly swear upon the holy evangelists of Almighty God, that I will support the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, and that I will support and sustain the provisions of an act entitled 
' An act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas,' and the provisions of the law 
of the United States, commonly known as the 'Fugitive Slave Law,' and faithfully and 
impartially, and to the best of my ability demean myself in the discharge of my duties in the 
office of ; so help me God." 

Seo. 2. Which oath of office shall be endorsed on every commission or certificate of 
appointment, and may be administered by any person in this Territory authorized to admin- 
ister oaths. 

Seo. 6. All oaths and affirmations alike subject the party who shall falsify them to the 
pains and penalties of perjury. 



ATTORNEYS AT LAW— MORE TEST OATHS, 
"uln act concerning attorneys at law,^^ Chapter 11, page 118, provides as follows: 

Sec. 1. No person shall practice as an attorney or counsellor at law, or solioiuor in chan- 
cery, in any court of record, unless ho be a free white male, and obtain a license from the 
supreme court, or district court, or some one of the judges thereof, in vacation. 

Seo. 3. Every person obtainiag a license shall take an oath or affirmation to support the 
Constitution of the United States, and to support and sustain the provisions of an act entitled 
" Ac act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas," and the provisions of an act 
tommonly known as " The Fugitive Slave Law," and faithfully to demean himself in his prao- 
ice to the best of his knowledge and ability. A certificate of such oath shall be endorsed on 
the license. 

Seo. 5. If any person sliall jiractise law in any court of record, without being licensed, 
sworn, and enrolled, he shall be deemed guilty of a contempt of court, and punished as in 
other cases of contempt. • 



4 

CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS, 

"^n act concerning crhnes and the punishment of offences against the persons of indivi 
duals^'''' Chapter 48, page 205 provides : 

Seo. 5. Homicide sliall be deemed excusable when committed b}' accident or misfortune, 
in either of the following cases : First, in lawfully correcting a child, apprentice, s-ervant, oi 
slave, or in doing any other lawful act by lawful means, with usual and ordinary caution, 
and without unlawful intent; or. Second, in the heat of passion, upon any sudden or sufficient 
provocation, or upon sudden combat without any undue advantage being taken, and without 
any dangerous weapon being used, and not done in a cruel and unusual manner. 

Seo. 31. If any negro or mulatto shall take away any white female under the age of 
eighteen years, from her father, mother, guardian, or other person having the legal cliarge of 
her person, without their consent, for the purpose of jjrostitulion, concubinage, or marriage 
with him, or any other negro or mulatto, he shall, on conviction, be sentenced to castration, 
to be performed under the direction of the sheriff, by some skillful person, and the expense 
shall be adjusted, taxed, and paid as other costs. 

Sec. 43. Every person who shall maliciously, forcibly or fraudulently lead, take or carry 
away, or decoy, or entice away, any child under tlie age of twelve years, with intent to 
detain or conceal such child from its parent, guardian, or other ])erson having the lawful 
charge of such child, shall, upon conviction, be punished by confinement and hard labor, not 
exceoding five years, or imprisonment in the county jail not less than six months, or by fine 
not less than five hundred dollars. [See the penalty for enticing away a hlack slave child, on 
page 1 of this pamphlet, sec. 4, and compai-e the two cases. — Compiler.'] 

'•'■An act in relation to the general p^rovisions regulating crimes and punishments,'''' providei 
(pages 252 & 253), as follows : 

Seo. 27. If any slave shall commit petit larcency, or shall steal any neat cattle, sheep or 
hog, or be guilty of any misdemeanor, or other ofifence punishable under the [irovisions of thit 
act only by fine or imprisonment in a county jail, or by botli sucli fine and imprisonment, he 
shall, instead of such punishment, be punished, if a male, by stripes on his bare back not 
exceeding tliirty-nine, or if a female, by imprisonment in a county jail not exceeding twenty- 
one days, or by stripes not exceeding twenty-one, at the discretion of the justice. 

Seo. 28. Every slave charged with the commission of any of tlie oifeuceji, specified in thi. 
last section, shall be tried in a summary manner before a justice of the peace in the county ii 
which the offence is committed ; and such justice (if a jury is not required, as j)rovided for in 
the next section) shall hear the evidence, determine the cause, and, on conviction, prououno 
sentence, and cause the same to be executed. 

■ Sko. 29. If any slave or his master, in any case cognizable before a justice of the peace 
shall require a jurj', the justice shall cause such jury to be summoned, sworn, and empanuelled 
who shall determine the facts, and assess the punishment in case of conviction, and tla 
justice shall enter judgment and cause the same to be executed. 

Seo. 34. When any slave shall be convicted of a felony punishable by confinemeni 
and hard labor, the court before whom such conviction shall be had sliall sentence th . 
offender to receive on his bare back any number of stripes not exceeding thirty-nine. 



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WHO MAY AND WHO MAY NOT BE JURORS. 

The quality of justice which a Free-State man might reasonably expect at the hands of a 
Kansas CO irt, may be surmised from Chap. 92, Sees, 1 and 18, of '■An Act concerning jurors,^ 
pages 877 and 878, from which it will be seen that instead of drawing jurors by lot, the 
court may summon a sufficient number, (for summon read " pack,") and that all who question 
the divinity ^. Slavery are absolutely excluded from all juries which may be required to con- 
sider directly or remotely the question of Slavery. 

Seo. 1. All courts before whom jurors are required, may order the marshal, sheriff, or 
Other i)tficer to summon a sufficient number of jurors. 

Seo. 13. N<> [lersun who is conscientiously oi)posed to the holding slaves, or who does not 
admit the right to liold slaves in this Territory, sliall be a juror in any cause in which the 
right to li .1(1 any person in Slavery is involved, nor in any cause in wliich any injury done to 
or comin tted by any slave is in issue, nor in any criminal |iroceeding f<>r tiie viulalioii of any 
law ena ted tor the jirotection of slave property and for the punishment of crimes committed 
against the right to such property. 



HABEAS CORPUS. 

" J/i Act regulating proceedings on writs of halcas corpus^ Chapter 79, -xrticle 8, page 
345, Contains tlie following: 

Sko. 8. No ni'jLrro or mulatto, held as a slave within this Territory, or lawfully arrested as a 
fii<^itive from service frotii anotlier State or Territory, shall bo discharged, nor shall his right of 
freedom be had under the provisions of this act. 

The foregoing provision, suspending the writ of habeas corpus, is not only a violation of the 
Constitution of the United States, but of the Kansas-Nebraska Act itself, which provides as 
follows: 

"Except also that a writ of error or appeal shall also be allowed to the Supreme Court of 
the Uniteil States, from the decision of the said supreme court created by this act, or of any 
judge thereof, or of the district courts created by this act, or of any judge thereof, upon any 
writ of habeas corpus, involving the question of personal freedom." 



THE CHAIN AND BALL. 



The following shows the treatment to which citizens are liable to be subjected for questioning 
the right of Border RiilSans to merchandise in human flesh and blood in the Territory of 
Kansas. Read and make your own comments. "We copy from "^n Act providing a system 
of confinement and hard labor,^^ Chapter 22, page 146. 

Sko. 1. Every keeper of a jail, or otiior public prison, within this Territory, is hereby 
required to cause all convicts who may be contitied in the prison of which he is tiie keeper, 
under sentence of confin'^uent and hard labor, either on the streets, roads,,public buildings, 
or otiier [public works of tlio Territory, or on some public works of the county in which such 
conv icts may be imprisoned, or on privHte works wherever may bo hereinafter specilied ; or 
if tiiere bo uo public works of the Territory on which to employ such .convicts, or if the 
county wherein sucti convicts may be confined have no public works on which to employ 
such convicts, then such convicts nuiy be emi)h)jed on tlie public works of any otiier county 
ill the Territory where liiere may be work to employ sucii convicts; or such convicts may 
be employed on tlie pidilic works of any incorporate town or city, within tliis Territory, 
ei'.her in the county in which such convicts may be confined, or in some other county in the 
Territory. 

Sko. 2. Every person who may be sentenced by any court of competent jurisdiction, under 
any law in force within tliis Territory, to punishment by confinement and hard labor, shall 
Vie deemed a convict, and sliall immediately, under the charge of the keeper of sucli jail or 
public prison, or under the charge of such person as the keeper of such jail or public prison 
:iKiy select, lie put to hard labor, as in tlie first section of this act specified; and such 
kee|)er or other ]ierson, having clia.-fo of such convict, shall cause such convict, while 
engaged at sncli labor, to be securely confined by a ciiain six feet in length, of not less than 
four-sixteentlis nor more than tlirce-eig!:tlis of an inch links, with i\ round ball of iron, of not 
le.><s than four nor more than .-ix inches in diameter, attached, which chain sliall bo securely 
fastened to the ankle of" such convict with a strong lock and key; and such keeper or other 
person, liaving ch.irge of such convict, may, if necessary, confine such convict, while so 
engaged at hard hdxir, by other chains or other means in his discretion, so as to keep such 
convii't secure and prevent iiis escape; and when there shall bo two or more convicts under 
tlie charge of such keeper, or other person, such convicts shall be fastened together by ?lrong 
chains, witii strong locks and keys, during the time such convicts shall be engaged in hard 
labor witliout the walls of any jail or prison. 



STOCKING TUE LOCAL OFFICKS. 

A.I county and town officers who are to execute the ontra;zeou3 acts of this Border Rulllan 
Legi>lature, are appointed either by the legislature or by ofiicers or Boards receiving tlieir 
appointment from the legislature, thus removing all power frntn t o people. "We quote from 
page 601 as follows : 



Chapter 150. — Sheriff. 

An Act providing for the office of sheriff, and prescribing his dutie^. 

Section 1. There shall be elected, by joint vote of the legislative assembly, at the present 
session, for each county, a sheriff, who shall hold his oflace until the general election fur 
members of the legislative assembly, in the year eighteen hundred and fifty-seven ; and such 
sheriff, when elected, shall be commissioned by the governor, and shall take the oath of office 
prescribed by law, &c. 

On page 117 we find the following: 

Ohaptee 10. — Attorneys. 

An act to establish the office of district attorney, and to define his duties. 

Section 1. There shall be and is hereby established in each judicial district of this Terri- 
tory, the ofiice of district attorney, aud tlie present session of the legislative asr^enibly shall 
elect for each judicial district, by joint ballot, a district attorney, who shall hold liis office fur 
four years ; and such district attorney shall be commissioned by the governor, aud take the 
oath of office prescribed by law, which commission, with the oath of office endorsed thereon, 
shall be recorded in the records of the district court of each county in his district. 

On page 149 the following may be found; 

Chapter 23. — Constables. 
An act providing for the appointment of constables, and prescribing their duties. 

Section 1. There shall be in each township, in each county in this Territory, one consta- 
ble, who shall be appointed by the tribunal transacting county business, and shall hold his 
office until the second general election. 

On page 196 ie the following : 

Chapter 44. — Probate Court. 

An act to establish a probate court, with the powers and duties of a board of commissioners, 

and to define its jurisdiction. 

Section 1. That there be and is hereby established in each county of the Territory a pro- 
bate court; and there shall be elected by joint ballot of* the legislative assembly, at the 
present session, a probate judge for each county in the Territory, who shall hold liis office 
until the general election for members of the legislative assembly, in the year eighteen hun- 
dred and fifty-seven, and until their successors are duly elected, commissioned and qualitied. 

Sec. 28. There shall be and is hereby established in each county of this -Territory, a tribu- 
nal transacting county business, to be called the board of commissioners fur tlie county, and 
the probate judge of each county shall be the president of the board of comuiissiuners. 

Sec. 29. The present session of the legislative assembly shall elect, by joint ballot, two 
commissioners, who shall be associated with the probate judge, and constitute the board of 
commissioners, and shall be the tribunal transacting county business. 

Sec. 31. The board of commissioners, in their respective counties, shall liave power and 
authority to levy and cause to be collected a tax upon all property aud effects in tlie county, 
either real, personal, or mixed, subject to taxation by law, for the necessary expenditures of 
the counties, not to exceed the amount of taxation levied for Territorial purposes in such 
county, except in cases provided for by law. 

Sec. 32. They shall have power to build bridges, aud open and keep in repair roads and 
highways, within their respective counties, and they shall provide ways and means for the 
erection of all public buildings necessary for the transacting of county business; they sliail 
cause to be erected, or otherwise procure for the several couuties, suitable court-h6nses, j.'iils, 
clerks' offices, and other public buildings deemed necessary. 

Sec. 83. The probate judge and county commissioners shall appoint in each county a clerk 
of the board of county conmiissioners, and shall grant to him a certificate of his ajjpoint- 
ment. and he shall be commissioned by the governor, and take the oath of office prescribed 
by law. 

Sec. 34. The board of county commissioners shall appoint a county treasurer, coi-oner, 
justices of the peace, constables, and all other officers provided for by law, which several 
officers shall be commissioned by the governor, and the said tribunal sliall have the jjower 
and authority to appoint all commissioners or agents provided for by law. 



I 



i 

We have examined the foregoing, and compared the same witli the " Laws zf the Territory of Kansas," as published 
for the United States Senate, and we find the same to he true copies of the Sections quoted. 

J. COLLAMER, o/ Com. on Territories, U. S. SenaU. 
O. A. GROW, Cfuiirman of Com. on Territories, H. R. 
SAML. OALLOWAT, of Com. on Judiciary, H. li. 
MASON W. TAPPEN, do. do. 

SCHUYLER COLFAX, of Com. on Slections, do. 
A. n. CRAGIN, of Com. on Printing, U. R. 

Nov*. — The pages referred to, are numbered in accordance with the Official Reprint of the Laws by Congress, and 
not the pages of the edition printed in Kansas. As the Sections, however, are quoted in full and the Mo. of t>ie chapter 
given also, they can easily be traced by any person having the latter edition. 



TOOMBS' KANSAS BILL DISSECTED. 



LETTER FROM W. Y. ROBERTS, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF KANSAS. 



Washisoton, D. 0., Jvly Wth, 1856. 
To the Editors of the JV. Y. Evening Post. 

YocB notp. asking my opiaion, as a democrat 
and as a citizen and friend of Kansas, in relation 
to the Senate bill, entitled " a bill to authorize 
the people of the territory of Kansas to form a 
constitution and state government," &c., which 
passed the Senate on the 2d inst., is to hand. 

In reply, I would say that my objections to the 
bill are not confined to the details only — they 
may be amended — but attach also to the prin- 
ciples upon which it rests. 

I. The bill proposes to repeal and amend cer- 
tain territorial laws, and to leave others in force, 
and hence assumes the position that the legislative 
assembly was a valid authority, and aflixes the 
seal of congressional sanction and approbation 
upon a body elected by a rule utterly subversive 
of that government ; and in so doing, the Senate 
has sanctioned and legalized, as far as it (»an. the 
work of an armed mob, in open violation of the 
laws and constitution of the United States, in 
violating the great fundamental principle upon 
v.bich rests our whole political fabric, popular 
sovereignty, or self-government. 

It is not ii'cessary to weary your readers by in- 
serting here the proof of this propo.sitioii, and I shall 
only refer them to the testimony taken by the 
Kansas Investigating Committee, reported to the 
House of Representatives on the Ist inst. In tiiis 
report the above allegation is proven by testi- 
inuiiy the most positive and incontrovertiltle. 

II. But my objections to the bill do not stop 
here ; after thus acknowledging the validity of 
the territorial legisluture, the bill proceeds to 
repeal sundry lawa and parts of laws enacted 
by that body, by the very singular process of 
re enacting certain important provisions of the 
constitution of the United States (see bill, sec. 



18). It also enacts a new elective law — assum 
ing the power of Congress to legislate for the 
territory on the most important subject of legis- 
lation, that of the elective franchise, whilst it 
has, in the opinion of the Senate, in full vitality, 
a local legislature of its own ; thus utterly aban- 
doning the whole theory of the democratic creed 
in relation to the government of the territories ; 
anil, as a democrat, I must be allowed to enter 
my protest against this abandonment of the 
faith, particulai'ly in an instance when that aban- 
donment is made necessary by assuming a former 
false hypothesis. 

III. The bill further provides for the election 
and organization of a convention " to form a con- 
stitution and state government," and, without 
submitting the constitution thus formed to a vote 
of the people or future action of Congress, admits 
the state into the Union " on an equal footing 
with the original states," and makes the action of 
that convention a finality, and denies to the 
people the invaluable privilege of acting in their 
primary and individual capacity upon the organic 
law of the land, " a right invaluable to them and 
formidable only to tyrants." 

IV. To give a board of Commissioners, ap- 
pointed by the Prc.tident, the power to determine 
who shall vote for delegates to the convention, 
and to be the sole judges of the election and 
qnalifications of said delegates, and to make the 
action of that convention final, in a matter so 
important as the formation of a constitution and 
state government, is to erect a power dangerous 
to popular rights, a power irresponsible to the 
people — a despotism ; and is assuming the power 
of Congress to do that for which there is no war- 
rant in the constitution, and which is subversive 
of the great principles of popular government. 

V. One cfl'ect of refusing to submit the con- 
stitution to the vote of the people, would be to 



8 



obviate the necessity of retaining in the territory 
a large body of men during the winter, in order 
to vote on the constitution in the spring, as it 
would be impossible to frame a constitution, pub- 
lish it and give the people time to discuss its pro- 
visions in order to give an intelligent vote upon 
its ratification, before, probably, the 1st of March. 
I am aware that it would be exceedingly incon- 
venient to these people to stay in our territory 
during the winter without houses, and that houses 
and provisions are very expensive things ; never- 
theless, as a citizen of Kansas I cannot consent 
that they should be allowed to finish their works 
by the 4th of November and return to their 
homes, leaving the people to enjoy (?) a govern- 
ment established against their will and wishes : 
and hence, as a citizen and a friend of Kansas, 
must solemnly protest against this feature of the 
bill. 

VI. The bill further provides that the ratio of 
representation and the apportionment of delegates 
shall be determined by the number of voters, 
and not the number of inhabitants in the territory 
and the respective districts ; thus giving to the 
mere adventurer, the mere "soldier of fortune " 
upon the border, the same representative strength 
with the regular citizen, permanently located 
with his wife and family of five or ten minor 
children. The injustice of this provision is too 
glaring to need comment, and its object too plain, 
to be misunderstood. 

VII. The enumeration of voters is fixed at a 
time when many of our citizens have been driven 
from their homes and from the territory, and when 
an armed mob, unrebuked by government, has 
blockaded all the avenues to the country, not 
only preventing the return of the few who might 
be able, and who might feel an inclination to re- 
turn, from doing so, but robbing and driving 
back all new emigrants from the free states who 
are seeking homes in the territory. Thus forcing 
upon the people a finality at a mopt inauspicious 
time, and proposing to establish the institutions 
of a state when the country is under the govern- 
ment of an armed and irresponsible mob. What 
a mockery of popular rights ! And what a fraud 
upon a people who were induced to emigrate to 
the territory under the pledge from the govern- 
ment, that they should be left "perfectly free to 
establish their oivn iristit^itions." 

VIII. In addition to this, the bill, as far as it 
is intended to " authorize the people of the ter- 

itory of Kansas to form a constitution and state 
government," is gratuitous. We have asked for 
DO such authority. We contend, as democrats, 
that we have authority, whenever a majority of 
the people may so determine, to call a convention, 
form a constitution and state government, and to 
apply for admission into the Union as a free and 
eovereiga state. We hold that the people are 



better judges of when this shall be done, than 
Congress can be. and that to judge of and to do 
this, is one of the rights expressly reserved to 
ihe people by the constitution of the United 
States, and therefore we have not asked of Con- 
gress an authority that expressly belongs to us 
under the constitution ; but what we do ask is, 
that Congress should fulfill all the requirements 
of the constitution, and extend over us the pro- 
tecting hand of the national government. 

We ask of Congress no impossibilities — nor 
unconstitutional intermeddling with our domes- 
tic alFairs. Congress cannot " give us bar.',- our 
dead ;^' but it can wipe out a legislative govern- Si 
ment established by fraud and violence, and "■ 
institute another that shall reflect the will of 
the people. It can refund to our people all the 
losses that they have sustained by reason of 
this fraud, and restore and secure to them what 
is more valuable than gold, and sweeter than 
life;, the free enjoyment of all their political 
rights as American citizens. We ask a nation's 
disapprobation of a fraud unparalleled in the 
history of our country ; let the nation wash 
her hands of the disgraceful act, and let the 
history of it go down to posterity with a nation's 
condemnation indelibly engraved upon its fore- 
head. 

Let Congress, in the place of repealing cer- 
tain laws of territorial legislature, because of 
their inherent defects, set them all aside because 
of the inherent defects in the power that made 
them. Let this be done, and the whole subject 
is open to Congress, the wrongs of the people 
may be redressed, their constitutional rights 
restored, and peace restored to the Union — to 
the country, and to the territory, the constitu- 
tion itself vindicated, the theory of non-inter- 
ference saved. The great principles of popular 
sovereignty and self-government re-establi.shed, 
an unmitigated fraud upon the l)allot-box brand- 
ed with marked disapprobation, the character of 
our free institutions preserved untarnished, the 
couMence of the people in the perpetuity and 
strength of free governments stimulated and con- 
firmed, and the bonds of the Union strengthened 
and established upon the rock of eternal justice 5 
but, refuse to do this, and all these propositions 
are reversed. 

If the bill was designed to effect these objects, 
it will most certainly fail of its purpose ; but on 
the other hand tend most directly to the reverse 
of all these desirable results, and therefore, 
finally, as a democrat, a citizen, and friend of — 
Kansas, one who loves the Union, and tlie bar- m \ 
mony and peace of all sections of the country, I 
must now most earnestly protest against its pas- 
sage iato a law. 

Very truly, &c., 

W. Y. Roberts. 



PRESIDENTIAL PLAITOIIMS FOR 1856. 

Wb herewith present tlio Platforms of the three Parties now soliciting the safftages of 
the People; also the Letters of Acceptance written by the Presidential Candidates repro- 
Benting these parties, that the intelligent voter may examine and Cdiiiparo them, and thus 
deliberately form his judgment as to their relative merits. The Republicans invite the 
most rigid scrutiny and investigation into the principles and measures on which they 
make their appeal to the American People, with an undoubting confidence in the cor- 
rectness and justice of the final verdict. Wiiat intelligent elector can fail to see tliat 
of the three the Republican Platform is the most truly Democratic and American, in the 
best and most significant sense of those much abused terms? 



SOUTH AMEIUCAN l-I.ATFOKU I'UT FOUTU A.T PUILADEL- 
FHIA, FEB. 22, 1S56. 

Ist. An humble ackuowledgment to the Supreme 
Being who rules the Universe, for His protecting 
care, vouchsat'ed to our lathers in tiieir successful 
Hovolutionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to 
as, their descendants, in the preservation of the lib- 
•rties, the independence and the union of these 
States. 

2d. The perpetuation of the Federal Union, as the 
pallaiiium of ouv civil and reiigious liberties, and the 
only sure bulwark of American Independence. 

ltd. Americans inu»l rule America, and, to this 
end, nfrtfi-e-born citizens should be selected for all 
State, Federal, and municipal offices, or government 
employment, in preference to naturalized citizens ; 
neverthelesi, 

4th. Persona born of American parents residing 
temporarily abroad, should be entitled to all the 
rights of native-born citizens ; but, 

atli. No i)ersou should be selected for political .sta- 
tion (whether of native or foreign birth), who recog- 
nizes any allegiance or obligation of any description 
to any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who 
refuses to recogni/.e the Federal and State Coni^titn- 
tiond (each within its sphere) as paramount to all 
other laws as rules of |)olitical action. 

'ith. The un<iualitied recognition an-l maintenance 
of tlio reserved rights of the several States, and the 
culiiv.ition of harmony and fraternal good-will, be- 
tween the citizens of tlit; several States, and to this 
end, non-interference by Congress with questions ap- 
|iert:iiiiiiig Bolely to the individual States, and non- 
iutervi.Mitioa by each State with the affairs of any 
other .State. 

7ih. The recogBition of the right of the native-born 
and naturalized citizens of the United States, perma- 
nently residing in any Territory thereof, to t'rame 
their constitution and laws, and to regulate their do- 
mestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject 
only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, 
with the right of udmiasion itit'i the Union wlicnovi-r 
they have their re'iuisite |)opulati<m fi)r one Ili.-pre- 
aentative in Congr'-->. Provided atmuiis. That none 
but those who are .iti/.ens thereof, and State, under 
the Constitutini\ and laws thereof, ami who liavc a 
fixed residence in any such Territory, ought to par- 
ticipate in the formation of the Constitution, or in 
the enactment of laws for said Territory or State. 

8tli. An enforcement of the princif)!!' fliat no State 
or Territory can admit otliiTs than nut veborn citi- 
zens to the right of suffrage, or of lioli'ing political 
ofli'.'C. unless such person shall have be-'n naturalized 
according to the laws of the United S'-ttes. 



yth. A change in the laws of naturalization, mak- 
ing a continued residence of twenty-one years, of all 
not heretofore provided for, an indispensable rcijui- 
Bite of citizenship hereafter, and e.xcluding all pau- 
pers and persons convicted of crime from landing 
upon our shores ; but no interference with the vested 
rights of foreigners. 

10th. Opposition to any union between Church and 
State : no interference with religions faith or wor- 
ship, and no test oaths for office, except those indi- 
cated in the ."ith section of this platform. 

11th. Free and thorough investigation into any and 
all alleged abuses of public functionaries, and a strict 
economy in public expenditures. 

12th. The maintenance and enforcement of all 
laws until said laws shall be repealed or shall bo de- 
clared null and void by c()ni])etent judicial authority. 

nth. 0(>position to the leckless and unwise policy 
of the )>resent administration in the general manage- 
ment of our national affairs, and more especially as 
shown in removing " Amenc:'.us" (by designation) 
and conservatives in principle, from office, and ]jlac- 
ing foreigners and ultraists in their places ; as shown 
in a truckling subserviency to the stronger, and an 
insolent and cowardly bravado towards the weaker 
powers; as shown in reopening sectional agitation, 
by the repeal of the .Miss(mri Compromise : as shown 
in granting to unnaturalized foreigners the right to 
suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska ; as shown in its 
vacillating course on the Kansas and Nebraska ques- 
tion ; as shown in the removal of Judge Buo.ssos 
from the Collcctorship of New York upon false and 
imlonable grounds ; as shown in ti>o corruptions 
which perva.te some of the departments of the (Jov- 
ernment ; as shown in disgracing meritorious naval 
ollicers through prejudice or caj)rico ; and as shown 
in tlie blundering mismanagement of our foreign re- 
lations. 

Uth. Therefore, to remedy existing evils, and pre- 



/ 



vent the disastro\is conse<|iience9 otherwise resulting 

■ luld build up ilie "American party 
ipon till? prmci])!i's iieroin before stated, escliowmg 



therefrom, we w^uld build up the " American part^ 
upon till? princi])!cs iiercin before stated, escliowl 
all sectional questions nnd uniting upon those purely 
national, and admitting into said party nil American 
citizens (referred to in the 3d, 4th, and .")ih sections), 
who openly avow tlic principles and o()ini(>ns hereto- 
fore expressed, and who will stibscribe their names 
to this platform. Prorided. nevci theless, that a ma- 
jority of those meiubera present at any meeting of a 
localCouncil where an ai)pli<'aiit B[)|)lies for mem- 
bership in the American party may. for any reason 
by them deemed suflicient, deny admisaion to euch 
applicant. 

15th. A free and ojn-n discussion of all political 
principles embraced in our platform. 



10 



DKMOORATIC PLATFOKM PPT FORTH AT CINCINNATI, 
MAY 22, 1856. 

Resolved, That the American Democracy place their 
■trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the dis- 
criminating justice of the American people. 

Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive fea- 
ture of our political creed, which we are proud to 
maintain before the world as a great moral element 
in a form of government springing from and upheld 
by the popular will; and we contrast it with the 
creed and practice of Federalism, under whatever 
name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the 
constituent, and which conceives no imposture too 
monstrous for the popular credulity. 

Resolved, therefore, That entertaining those views, 
the Democratic party of this Union, through their del- 
egates, assembled in general Convention, coming to- 
gether in a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doc- 
trines and faith of a free representative government, 
and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude 
of their intentions, renew and reassert before the 
American people, the declarations of principles avow- 
ed by them, when, on former occasions, in general 
Convention, they have presented their candidates for 
the popular suffrage. 

1. That the Federal Government is one of limited 
power, derived solely from the Constitution, and the 
grants of power made therein ought to be strictly 
construed by all the departments and agents of the 
govermuent, and that it la inexpedient and danger- 
ous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. 

2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the 
General Government the power to commence aud 
carry on a general system of internal improvements. 

3. That the Constitution does not confer authority 
upon the Federal Government, directly or indirectly, 
to assume the debts of the several States, contracted 
for local and internal improvements, or other State 
purposes, nor would such assumption be just or ex- 
pedient. 

4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal 
Government to foster one branch of industry to the 
detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of 
one portion of our common country; that every 
citizen and every section of the country has a right 
to demand and insist upon an equality of rights aud 
privileges, and a complete and ample protection of 
persons and property from domestic violence and 
foreign aggression. 

6. That it is the duty of every branch of the Gov- 
ernment to enforce and practise the most rigid eco- 
nomy in conducting our public affairs, and that no 
more revenue ought to be raised than is required to 
defray the necessary expenses of the government, 
and gradual but certain extinction of the public debt. 

6. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to 
be sacredly applied to the national objects specified 
in the Constitution, and that we are opposed to any 
law for the distribution of such proceeds among the 
States, as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant 
to the Constitution. 

7. That Congress has no power to charter a Na- 
tional Bank ; that we believe such an institution one 
•f deadly hostility to the best interests of this 
country, dangerous to our republican institutions and 
the liberties of the people, and calculated to place 
the business of the country within the control of a 
•onsecrated money power and above the laws and 
will of the people ; and the results of the Democra- 
tic lepislation in this and all other financial measures 
Tipon which issues have been made between the two 
poUticiit parties of the country, have demonstrated 
to candid aud practical men of all parties their 
soundness, safety a*nd utility in all business pur- 
enjts. 

8. That the separation of the moneys of the Gov- 
ernment^rom banking institutions is indispensable to 



the safety of the funds of the Government and the 
rights of the people. 

9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from 
the President the qualified Veto power, by which he 
is enabled, under restrictions aud responsibilities 
amply sufficient to guard the pubbc interests, to sus- 
pend the passage of a bill whose merits cannot secure 
the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House 
of Representatives, until the judgment of the peo- 
ple can be obtained thereon, and which has Bavtcl 
the American people from the corrupt and t3Tann!cal 
dominion of the Bank of the United States, and from 
a corrupting system of general internal improve- 
ments. 

10. That the liberal principles embodied by Jeffer- 
son in the Declaration of Independence, and sanc- 
tioned in the Constitution, which makes ours the land 
of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed of every 
nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the 
Democratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge the 
privilege of becoming citizens and the owners of soil 
among us ought to be resisted with the same spirit 
which swept the alien and sedition laws from our sta- 
tute books. 

lAnd whereas, Since the foregoing declaration was 
uniformly adopted by our predecessors in National 
Conventions, an adverse political and religious; lest 
has been secretly organized by a party claiming to 
be exclusively Americans, and it is proper that the 
American Democracy should clearly define its rela- 
tions thereto ; and declares its determined opposition 
to all secret political societies, by whatever name 
they may be called. 

Refiolved, That the foundation of this Union of 
States having been laid in, and its prosperity, ex- 
pansion, and pre-eminent example in free govern- 
ment, built upon entire freedom of matters of relig- 
ious concernment, and no respect of persons in 
regard to rank, or place of birth, no party can justly 
be deemed national, constitutional, or in accordance 
with American principles, which bases its exclusive 
organization upon religious opinions and accidental 
birth-place. And hence a political crusade in the 
nineteenth century, and in the United States ol' 
America, against Catholics and foreign - born is 
neither justified by the past history or future pros- 
pects of the country, nor in unison with the spirit 
of toleration, and enlightened freedom which pecu- 
liarly distinguishes the American system of popular 
government. 

Resolved, That we reiterate with renewed energy 
of purpose the well considered declarations of former 
conventions upon the sectional issue of domestic 
slavery and concerning the reserved rights of the 
States — 

1. That Congress has no power under the Consti- 
tution to interfere with or control the domestic in- 
stitutions of the several States, and that all such 
States are the sole and proper judges of everything 
appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by 
the Constitution ; that all efforts of the Abolitionists 
or others made to induce Congress to interfere with 
questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in re- 
lation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most 
alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all 
such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish 
the happiness of the peoj)le and endanger the stabi- 
lity and permanency of the Union, and ought not to 
be countenanced by any friend of our political in- 
stitutions. 

2. That the foregoing proposition covers and was 
intended to embrace the whole subject of slavery 
agitation in Congress, and therefore the Democratic 
party of the Union, standing on this national plat- 
form, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution 
of the acts known as the compromise measures, set- 
tled by the Conprress of 1?50: "the act for reclaim- 
ing fugitives t ■ on) service or labor included^" which 



n 



ct being designed to carry out an express j'rovibion 
f the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be 
;pealed, or so changed as to destroy or impair its 
fficieacy. 

;{. That tha Democratic party will resist all at- 
impts at renewing in Congress, or out of it, the 
citation ot the slavery question, under whatever 
iape or color the attempt may be made. 

4. That the Democratic party will faitlifully abide 
y and uphold the principles laid down in the Ken- 
icky and Virginia resolutions of 1792 and 1708, and 
I the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia Legis- 
ilure in 1799 — that it adopts these principles as con- 
jtuting one of the main foundations of its political 
reed, and is resolved to carry them out in their ob- 
ious meaning and import. 

And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on 

hich a sectional party, subsisting exclusively on 
avery agitation, now relies to test the fidelity of the 
eople, North and South, to the Constitution and the 
nion — 

1. Ilesolved, That claiming fellowship with and de- 
ring the co-operation of all who regard the preser- 
ition of the Union under the Constitution as the 
aramount issue, and repudiating all sectional parties 
nd platforms concerning domestic slavery, which 
;ek to embroil the States and incite to treason and 
rraed resistance to law in the territories, and whose 
vowed purpose if consummated, must end in civil war 
nd disunion, the American Democracy recognize 
nd adopt the principles contained in the organic 
iws establishing the territories of Nebraska and 
Kansas, as embodying the only sound and safe solu- 
on of the slavery question, upon which the great 
ational idea of the people of this whole country can 
jpose in its determined conservation of the Union, 
nd noninterference of Congress with slavery in the 
jrr-tories or in the District of Columbia. 

2. That this was the basis of the compromises of 
S50. contirmed by both the Democratic and Whig 
arties in National Conventions ratified by the peo- 
ie ii the election of 1852, and rightly applied to the 
rganization of the territories in 18.54. 

A. That by the uniform application of the Demo- 
ratic principle to the organization of territories, and 
lie admission of new States with or without domes- 
ic slavery, as they may elect, the equal rights of all 
he States will be preserved intact, the original com- 
lacts of the Constitution maintained inviolate, and 
he perpetuity and expansion of the Union insured 
o its utmost" capacity of embracing, in peace and 
larmony, every future American State that may be 
lonstituted or annexed with a republican form of 
[overuraent. 

Resolved, That we recognize the right of the peo- 
)le of all the territories, including Kansas and Ne- 
)raska, acting through the legally and fairly e.Tpress- 
•A will of the majority of the actual residents, and 
whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, 
,o form a Constitution, with or without domestic 
slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terras 
^( perfect equality with the other States. 

fie^o've.d, finathf, That, in view of the condition of 
;he popular institutions in the old worM (and the 
J;itigerous teiideiicies of sectional agitation, combin- 
;d with the attemjit to enforce civil and religious dis- 
iliilities against the rights of acquiring and enjoying 
citizenship in our own land), a high and sacred duty 
is Involved with incrensed responsibility upon the 
Pi-ino(!ratic party of ihi-i country, as the party of the 
Utiiou, to njjhold and maintain the rights of every 
State and thereby the union of the States — and to 
sustain and advance ainnn:^ us constitutional liberty, 
by continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive 
legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense 
of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adher- 
ent-e to those principles and compromises of the 
CoiL-ititution — which are broad enough and strong 



enough to embrace and unhold the Union as it was, 
the Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be — in the 
full expression of the energies and capacity of this 
great and progressive people. 

1. Rcsdved, That there are questions connected 
with the foreign policy of this country which are in 
ferior to no domestic question whatever. The time 
has come for the people of the United States to de- 
clare themselves in favor of free seas, and progres- 
sive free trade throughout the world, and, by solemn 
manifestations to place their moral influence at the 
side of their successful example. 

2. Resolved. That our geographical and political 
position with reference to the other States of this 
continent, no less than the interest of our commerce 
and the development of our growing power, requires 
that we should hold sacred the principles involved in 
the Monroe doctrine. Their bearing and import ad- , 
mit of no misconstruction, and should be applied with 
unbending ricridity. 

3. Resolved, That the great highway, which nature 
as well as the assent of States most immediately in- 
terested in its maintainance has marked out for free 
communication between the Atlantic and the Pacific 
Oceans, constitutes one of the most important 
achievements realized by the spirit of modern times, 
in the unconquerable energy of our people ; and that 
result would be secured oy a timely and efficient 
exertion of the control which we have the right to 
claim over it, and no power on earth should be suf- 
fered to impede or clog its progress h.y any interfer- 
ence with relations that it may suit our policy to 
establish between our government and the govern- 
ments of the States within whose dominions it lies ; 
we can under no circumstances, surrender our pre- 
pondercnce in the adjustment of all questions arising 
out of it. 

4. Resolved, That in view of so commanding an 
interest, the people of the United States cannot but 
sympathise with the efforts which are being made by 
the people of Central America to regenerate that 
portion of the continent which covers the passage 
across the inter-oceanic isthmus. 

6. Resolved, That the Democratic party will expect 
of the next Administration that every proper effort 
be made to ensure our ascendency in the Gulf of 
Mexico, and to maintain permanent protection to the 
great outlets through which are emptied into its wat- 
ers the products raised out of the soil and the com- 
modities created by the industry of the people of our 
western vaUeys and of the Union at large. 



REPUBLICAN PLATFORM PITT FOUTH AT FQILADELPHLA, 
JUNE 18th, 1856. 

This Convention of Delegates, assembled in pursu- 
ance of a call addressed to the people of the United 
States, without regard to past political differences or 
divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Mis- 
souri Compromise : to the policy of the present 
Administration ; to the extension of Slavery into 
Free Territory : in favor of admitting Kansas as a 
free State ; of restoring the action of the Federal 
rjovernmeut to the principles of Washington and 
.Iei'feiison, and who purpose to unite in prosentinp 
candidates for the offices of President and Vice Presi- 
dent, do resolve as follows: 

Resolved, That the maintenance of tlie principles 
promulgated in the Declaration of Tndcjienilence and 
embodied in the Federal Constitution, ar- ■•■.-.>nHal 
to the preservation of our republican i ■*, 

and that the Federal Constitution, the ri^.^- ■. ^aa 
States, and the union of the States shall be pre- 
served. 

Resolved, That with our republican fathers we hold 
it to bo a self-evident truth, that all men arc endowed 
with the inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pur- 



\ 



12 



snitof happina'53, and that the primary' object and ulte- 
rior designs of our federal governmeut were, to secure 
these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdic- 
tion ; that as our republican fathers, when they had 
abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordain- 
ed that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, 
or property, without due process of law, it becomes 
our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution 
against all attempts to violate it for the piu-pose of es- 
tablishing slavery in any territory of the United States, 
by positive legislation, prohibiting its existence or 
extension therein. That we deny the authority of 
Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any individ- 
ual or association of individuals, to give legal exist- 
ence to slavery in any territory of the United States, 
while the present Constitution shall be maintained. 

Resdved, That the Constitution confers upon Con- 
gress sovereign power over the territories of the 
United States for their government, and that in the 
exercise of this power it ia both the right and the 
duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories those 
twin relics of barbarism — polygamy and slavery. 

Resolved, That while the Constitution of the United 
States was ordained and established by the people in 
order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, 
Insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common 
defence, and secure the blessings of liberty, and con- 
tains ample provisions for the protection of the life, 
liberty, and property of every citizen, the dearest 
Constitutional rights of the people of Kansas, have 
been fraudulently and violently taken from them — 
their territory has been invaded by an armed force — 
spurious and pretended legislative, judicial, and ex- 
ecuiive officers have been set over them, by whose 
usurped authority, sustained by the military power 
of the government, tji'annical and unconstitutional 
laws have been enacted and enforced— the rights of 
the people to keep and bear arms have been infringed 
— test oaths of an extraordinary and entangling na- 
ture have been imposed, as a condition of exercising 
the right of suffrage and holding office — the right of 
an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an 
impartial jury has been denied — the right of the peo- 
ple to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and 
effects against unreasonable searches and seizures has 
been violated — they have been deprived of life, liber- 
ty, and property, without due process of law — that the 
freedom of speech and of the press has been abridg- 
ed — the right to choose their representatives has been 
made of no effect — murders, robberies, and arsons 
have been instigated and encouraged, and the oflfend- 
ders have been allowed to go unpunished — that aU 
these things have been done with the knowledge, 
sanction and procurement of the present administra- 
tion, and that for this high crime against the Consti- 
tution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the ad- 
ministration, the President, Ms advisers, agents, sup- 
porters, apologists and accessories, either before or 
after the facts, before the country and before the 
world, and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the 
actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages and 
their accomplices to a sure and condign punishment 
hereafter. 

Resolved, Tliat Kansas should be immediately ad- 
mitted as a State of the Union, with her present free 
constitution, as at once the most effectual way of 
securing to lier citizens the enjoyments of the rights 
and privileges to which they are entitled, and of end- 
ing the civil strife now raging in her territory. 

Resolved, Thai the highwayman's plea, that " might 
makes right," embodied in the Ostend circular, was 
in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, 
and would bring shame and dishonor upon any gov- 
ernment or people th.at gave it their sanction. 

Resolved, That a Railrond to the Pacific Ocean, by 
the most central and practical route, is imperatively 
demanded by the interests of the whole country, and 
that the Federal Government ought to render imme- 



diate and efiScient ai 1 in its construction ; and as an ( 
auxiliary thereto, the immediate construction of an ; 
emigrant route ou the lino of the railroad. j 

Resolved, That appropriations by Congress for the^ I 
improvement of rivers and harbors, of a national \ 
character, required for the accommodation and secu- Vi 
rity of our existing commerce, are authorized by the *! 
Constitution, and jastilied by the obligation ofgov- | 
ernmcut to protect the lives and property of its citi- : 
zens. , 

Resolved, That we invite the affiliation and co-op- 
eration of the men of all parties, however different 
from us iu other respects, in support of the principles 
herein declared: and behoving that the spirit of our 
institutions, as well as the Constitution of our coun- 
try, guarantees liberty of conscience and equality of 
rights among citizens, we oppose all legislation im- 
pairing their security. 



COLONEL FREMONT S ACCEPTANCE. 

New York, July 8, 1858. 

Gentlemen : You call me to a high responsibility 
by placing me in the van of a great movement of the 
people of the United States, who, without regard to 
past differences, are uniting in a common effort to 
bring back the action of the Federal Government to 
the principles of Washington and Jeffek? on. Com- 
prehending the magnitude of the trust which their 
have declared themselves willing to place in my 
hands, and deeply sensible to the honor which they 
unreserved confidence in this threatening position of 
the public affairs implies, I feel that I cannot better 
respond than by a sincere declaration that, in the 
event of my election to the Presidency, I should 
enter upon the execution of its duties with a single- 
hearted determination to promote the good of the 
whole country, and to direct solely to tliis end all 
the power of the Government, irrespective of party 
issues, and regardless of sectional strifes. The 
declaration of principles embodied in the resolves of 
your Convention expresses the sentiments in which 
I have been educated, and which have been ripened 
into convictions by personal observation and expe- 
rience. With this declaration and avowal, I think 
it necessary to revert to only two of the subjects 
embraced in the resolutions, and to those only be- 
cause events have surrounded them with grave and 
critical circumstances, and given to them especial 
importance. 

I concur in the views of the Convention depreca- 
ting the foreign policy to which it adverts. The as- 
sumption that we have the right to take from 
another nation its domains because wo want them, 
is an abandonment of the honest character which 
our coantry has acquired. To provoke hostilities 
by unjust assumptions would be to sacrifice the 
peace and character of the country, when all its 
interests might be more certainly secured, and its 
objects attained by just and healing counsels, in- 
volving no loss of reputation. 

International embarrassments are mainly the re- 
sults of a secret diplomacy, which aims to kecji from 
the knowledge of the people the oi)e\utions of the 
Government. This system is inconsistent with the 
character of our institutions, and is itself yielding 
gradually to a more enlightened public opinion, and 
to the power of a free Press, which, by its broad 
dissemination of political intelligence, secures iu 
advance to the side of justice the judgment of the 
civilized world. An honest, firm and open policy 
in our foreign relations would command the uniti?d 
support of the nation, whose d^diboiate opinions it 
would necessarily reflect. 

Nothing is clearer in the history of our institu- 
tions than the design of the nation in asserting its 
own independence and freedom, to avoid giving; 



13 



coontflnauce to the exteuaioii of Slavery. The 
ioflueuce of ibe euiall but compact and powerful 
class of ineu interested in Slavery, who command 
one section of the country, and wield a vast jjo- 
litical control as a consequence in the other, is now 
directed to turn this impulse of the lie volution and 
reverse its juinciples. The extension of Slavery 
across the coatiiicut is the object of the power which 
now rules the (iiivfriimcut; and from this spirit has 
sprung those kindred wron";3 in Kansas so truly por- 
trayed in one of your resolutions, which prove that 
the elements of the most arbitrary goverumenis have 
not been vanquished by the just theory of our own. 
It would be out of place hero to pledge myself to any 
particular policy that has been suggested to termi- 
nate the sectional controversy engendered by politi- 
cal animosities, operating on a powerful class banded 
together by a common intorest. A practical remedy 
is the admission of Kansas into the Union as a Free 
State. The South should, in my judgment, earnestly 
desire such consummation. It would vindicate the 
good faith — it would correct the mistake of the 
repeal ; and the North, having practically the bene- 
fit of the agreement between the two sections, 
would be satisticJ. and good feeling be restored. 
The measure is j.erfectly consistent with the honor 
of the South, and vital to its interests. That fatal 
act which gave birth to this purely sectional strife, 
originating in the scheme to take from free labor the 
country secured to it by a solemn covenant, cannot 
be too soon disarmed of its pernicious force. The 
only genial region of the middle latitudes left to the 
emigrants of the Northern States for homes cannot 
be conquered from the free laborers, who have long 
considered it as set apart for them in our inheri- 
tance, without provoKing a desperate struggle. 
Whatever may be the persistence of the particular 
class which seems ready to hazard everything for 
the success of the unjust 8ch»,.Tie it has partially 
effected, I Rrvnlv believe that the great heart of the 
nation, which throbs with the patriotism of the free 
men of both sections, will have power to overcome 
it. They will .ook to the rights secured to them by 
the Constitution of the Union, aa Uieir best safeguard 
from the oppression of the cluiw which — by a mo- 
nopoly of the soil and of slave labor to till it — mi^'ht 
in time reduce them to the extremity of laboring 
upon the same terms with the slaves. The great 
body of nou-slaveholding free men, iu<'.!udiug Uiose 
of the South, upon whoso welfare Slavery is an 
oppression, will discover that the power of the (lene- 
ral (lovcrnmcnt over the public lands may be bencll- 
cially exerted to advance their interests and secure 
their independence. Knowing this, tucir suUVages 
will not be wanting to maintain that authority in 
the Union which is absolutely essential to the main- 
tenance of their own lil>ertie», and which bus more 
than once indicated the purpose of disposing of the 
public landn in such a way as would maKe every set- 
tler upon them a freeholder. 

If the jieople intrust to me the administration of 
the Government, the laws of Congress in relation to 
the Territories will be faithfully executed. All its 
authority will \«i exerted in aid of the national will 
to re-establish the peace of the country on the just 
principles which have heretofore received the sanc- 
tion of the Federal Government, of the States, and 
of the people of both sections. Such a policy would 
leave no aliment to that sectional party which seeks 
its aggrandizement by appropriating the new Ter- 
ritories to capital in the form of Sla\ery, but would 
inevitably result in the triumph of free labor— the 
natural capital which constitutes the real wealth of 
this great country, and creatfs that intelligent pnwer 
in the masses alone to be relied en as the bulwark of 
free institutions. 

Trusting that I have a heart capable of compre- 
hending our whole country, with its varied interests, 
and confident that patriotism exists in all paslH or 



the Union, I accept the nomination of the Conven- 
tion, in the hope that I may be enabled to serve use- 
fully its cause, which I consider the cause of consti 
tutional Freedom. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. C. FREMONT. 

To Messrs. H. B. Lanb, President of the Convention ; 
James M. Asui.ey, ANTnoNT J. Bleeckeu, Joseph 
C. HoKNBLowER, E. R. HoAK, Thaddeus Stevens, 

KlNGSLEY S. BlKGHAM, JOHN A. WlLL3, C. P. 

Cleveland, Cybus Aldrich, Committee, Ac. 



MB. BCCHANAN S ACCEPTANCE. 

WnKATLAND, near Lakcasteb, June IB, 1866. 

Gentlemen : I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of your communication of the 13th instant, 
informing me ofiicially of my nomination by tlie De- 
mocratic National Convention, recently held at Cin- 
cinnati, as the democratic candidate for the ofKce of 
President of the United States. I shall not attempt 
to express the grateful feelings which I entertain 
towards mj' democratic fellow citizens for having 
deemed me worthy of this — the highest political 
honor on earth — an honor such as the people of no 
other country have the power to bestow. Deeply 
sensible of tiie vast and varied responsibility at- 
tached to the station, especially at the present crisis 
in our affairs, I have carefully refrained from seeking 
the nomination either by word or by deed. Now 
that it has been offered by the democratic party, I 
accept it with diffidence in my own abilities, but with 
a humble trust that in Ihe event of my election I may 
be enabled to discliarge my duty in' such a manner 
as to allay domestic strife, preserve peace and 
friendship with foreign nations, and promote the beat 
interests of the Republic. 

In accepting the nomination, I need scarcely say 
that I accept in the same spirit the resolutions con- 
stituting the platform of princinles erected by the 
convention. To this platform 1 intend to confine 
my.sclf throughout the canvass, believing that 1 have 
no right, as the candidate of the democratic party, 
by answering iiiteiTogatories, to present new ana 
different issues before the people. 

It will not be expocU'd tnat in this answer I 
sliould specially refer to the subject of each of the 
resolutions; and I shall therefore confine rayseff to 
the two topics now most prominently liclore the 
people. 

And in the first place, I cordially concur in the 
tvutinientfi expressed by the convention on the sub- 
ject of civil and rulijjious liberty. No party founded 
on religious or political intolerance toward one class 
of American citizens, wliether born in our own or in 
a foreign land, can long conlimie to e.xist in this 
country. We are all equal before God and the Con- 
stitution, and the dark spirit of despotisni and bigo- 
try which would create odious di^tinctioU8 among 
our fellow-citizens, will be p|ieedily rebuked by a 
free and enlightened jiublic oj)iiiion. 

The agitation on the {[uestion of domestic slavery 
has too long dictated and divided the people of this 
Union, and alienated their affections from em h other. 
This agitation has assumed many forms since its 
commciict'uieiit, but it now seems to be directed 
clijefly to the territories: and judging from its pre 
sent chnractor, I think we may safely antiiipate UiSi 
it is rapidly approaihing a "finality." The recent 
legislation of Congress respecting domestic slavery, 
derived, as it has been, from the original and pure 
fountain of legitimate [lolltical power, the will of the 
majority, promises ere long to allay the dangerous 
excitement. This legislation is founded r.poti prin- 
ciples as ancii'Ut as free government itself, and in 
accordance with them, has simply declared that the 



14 



people of a territory, like those of a State, shall 
decide for themselves whether Slavery shall or shall 
not exist within their limits. 

The Nebraska-Kansas Act does no more than give 
the force of law to this elementary principle of self- 
government, declaring it to be "the true intent and 
meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any 
territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom ; but 
to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form 
and regulate their domestic institutions in their own 
way, subject only to the Constitution of the United 
States." This principle will surely not be contro- 
verted by any individual of any party professing de- 
votion to popular government. Besides, how vain 
and illusory would any other principle prove in 
practice in regard to the territories ! This is appa- 
rent from the fact admitted by all, that after a terri- 
tory shall have entered the Union and become a 
State, no constitutional power would then exist 
which could prevent it from either abolishing or 
establishing slavery, as the case may be, according 
to its sovereign will and pleasure. 

Most happy would it be for the country if this long 
agitation were at an end. During its whole progress 
it has produced no practical good to any human 
being, while it has been the source of great and dis- 
astrous evils. It has alienated and estranged one 
portion of the Union from the other, and has even 
seriously threatened its very existence. To my own 
personal knowledge, it has produced the impression 
among foreign nations that our great and glorious 
confederacy is in constant danger of dissolution. 
This does us serious injury, because acknowledged 
power and stability always command respect among 
nations, and are among the best securities against 
unjust aggression, and in favor of the maintenance 
of honorable peace. 

May we not hope that it is the mission of the 
democratic party, now the only surviving conserva- 
tive party of the country, ere long to overthrow all 
sectional parties, and restore the peace, friendship, 
and mutual confidence which prevailed in the good 
old time among the difl'eient members of the confe- 
deracy? Its character is strictly national, and it 
therefore asserts no principle for the guidance of the 
federal government which is not adopted and sus- 
tained by its members in each and every State. For 
this reason, it is everywhere the same determined 
foe of all geographical parties, so much and so justly 
dreaded by the father of his country. From its very 
nature it must continue to exist so long as there is a 
Constitution and a Union to preserve. A conviction 
of these truths has induced mauy of the purest, the 
ablest and most independent of our former oppo- 
nents, who have differed from us in time gone by 
npon old and extinct party issues, to come 'nto our 
ranks and devote themselves with us to the cause of 
the Constitution and the Union. Under these cir- 
cumstances, I most cheerfully pledge myself, should 
the nomination of the convention be ratified by the 
people, that all the power and influence constitu- 
tionally possessed by the executive shall be exerted 
in a firm but conciliatory spirit, during the single 
term I shall remain in office, to restore the same 
harmony among the sister Stales which prevailed 
before this apple of discord, in the form of slavery 
agitation, had been (jast into their midst. Let the 
members of the family abstain from intermeddling 
with the exclusive domestic concerns of each other, 
tnd cordially unite, on the basis of perfect equality 
among themselves, in promoting the great national 
objects of common interest to aU, and the good work 
will be instantly accomplished. 

In regard to our foreign policy to which you have 
referred in your communication, it is quite impossi- 
ble for any human foreknowledge to prescribe posi- 
tive rules in advance, to regulate the conduct of a 
future administration in all the exigencies which 



may arise in our various and ever-changing relatiouo 
with foreign powers. The federal government must 
of necessity exercise a sound discretion in dealing 
with international questions as they may occur; but 
this under the strict responsibility which the execu- 
tive must always feel to the people of the United 
States and the judgment of posterity. You will, 
therefore, excuse me for not entering into particu- 
lars ; while I heartily concur with you in the gene- 
ral sentiment, that our foreign affairs ought to be 
conducted with such wisdom and firmness as to 
assure the prosperity of the people at home, while 
the interests and honor of our country are wisely 
but inflexibly maintained abroad. Our foreign policy 
ought ever to be based upon the principle of doing 
justice to all nations, and requiring justice from 
them in return ; and from this principle I shall never 
depart. 

Should I be placed in the executive chair, 1 shall 
use my best exertions to cultivate peace and friend- 
ship with all nations, believing this to be our highest 
poUcy as well as our most imperative duty; but at 
the same, I shall never forget that in case the neces- 
sityv should arise, which I do not now apprehend, 
our national honor must be preserved at all hazards 
and at any sacrifice. 

Firmly convinced that a special Providence gov- 
erns the affairs of nations, let us humbly implore his 
continued blessing upon our country, and that he 
may avert from us the punishment we justly deserve 
for being discontented and ungrateful while enjoying 
privileges above all nations, under such a Constitu- 
tion and such a Union as has never been vouchsafed 
to any other people. 

Yours, very respectfully, 

JAMES BUCHANAN. 

The Hon. John E. Ward, W. A. Eichardson, 
and others. 



MR. FILLMORE S ACCEPTANCE. 

Paeis, May 21, 1S56. 

GENTLEMiiN : I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of your letter, informing me that the Natioual 
Convention of the American party, which had just 
closed its session at Philadelphia, had unanimously 
presented my name for the Presidency of the United 
States, and associated with it that of Andrew Jack- 
son Donelson for the Vice-Presidency. This unex- 
pected communication met me at Venice, on my re- 
turn from Italy, and the duplicate mails thirteen days 
later were received on my arrival in this city last 
evening. 

This must account for my apparent neglect in giv- 
ing a more prompt reply. 

You will paraoi! me for saying that, when ray Ad- 
ministration oiosed in 1853, I considered my political 
life as a public man at an end, and thenceforth I was 
only anxious to discharge my duty as a private citi- 
zen. Hence 1 have taken no active part in politics, 
but I have by no means been an indifferent spectator 
of passing events, nor have I hesitated to express my 
opinion on ail political subjects when asked, nor to 
give my vote and private influence for those men and 
measures I thought best calculated to promote the 
prosperity and glory of our common country. Be- 
yond this I have deemed it improper for me to inter- 
fere. 

But this unsolicited and unexpected nomination 
has imposed upon me a new duty, from which I can- 
not shrink ; and therefore, approving as I do, the 
general objects of the party which has honored me 
with its coniidence, I cheerfully accept its nomina- 
tion, without waiting to inquire its prospects of sue 



15 



SB or defeat. It is sufficient for me to know that 
! 80 doiuK I yieiil to the wishes of a lar^e portion 

my fellow-citizeus in every part of the Union, 
lio, like myself, are sincerely anxious to see the 
Jiuinisirution of our Government restored to that 
iKiiial simplicity and purity which marked the first 
irt of its existence, and, if possible, to quiet that 
iirmiiif; sectiomil ai^itation wliich, while it delights 
e monarchists of Europe, causes every true friend 

our own country to mourn. 

Havin;; the experience of past service in the admin- 
;ration of the fioverument. I may be permitted to 
fer to that as the exponent of the future, and to 
y that should the choice of the Convention be sanc- 
med by the people. I shall with the same scrupu- 
us regard for the rights of every section of the 
aion which then influenced my conduct, endeavor 

perform every duty confided by the Constitution 
id laws to the Executive. 

As the proceedings of the Convention have marked 
1 era in the history of the country, by bringing a 
iw political organization into the approaching Pre- 
lential canvass. I lake occasion to reaffirm my full 
ntidence in the patriotic purposes of that organiza- 
)n. which I regard as springing out of the public 
icessity forced upon the country to a large extent 
' unfortunate sectional divisions, and the injurious 
ndency of these divisions towards disunion. 
It alone, in my opinion, of all political agencies ! 
>w existing, is possessed of the p'twer to silence ' 
is violent and disastrous agitation, and to restore 
irmony by its own example of moderation and for- , 



bearance. It has a claim, therefore, in my judgment, 
npon every earnest friend of the integrity of the 
Union. 

So estimating this party, both in its present posi- 
tion and future destiny, I freely adopt its great lead- 
ing principles as announced in the recent declaration 
of the National Council in Philadelphia, a copy of 
which you were so kind as to enclose to fhe. holding 
them to be just and liberal to every true interest of 
the country, and wisely adapted to the estabUshnient 
and support of an enlightened, safe, and effective 
American policy, in full accord with the ideas, and 
the hopes of the fathers of the Republic. 

I expect shortly to sail for America, and with the 
blessing of Divine Providence, hope soon to tread 
my native soil. Mv opportunity of comparing my 
own country and the condition of the people, with 
those of Europe, has only served to increase my ad- 
miration and love for our blessed land of liberty, and 
I shall return to it without even a desire to ever cross 
the Atlantic again. 

I beg you, gentlemen, to accept my thanks for the 
very flattering manner in which you have been 
pleased to communicate the result of the action of 
that enlightened and patriotic body of men who 
composed the late Convention, and be assured that I 
am, with profound respect and esteem, your fellow- 
citizen, 

IHLLARD FILLMORE. 
To Messrs. A. H. H. Stkwabt, Andrew Stewart, 

Erastus Brooks, E. B. Bartlett, Wm. J. Eames, 

Ephraiu Marsh. 



REPUBLICM DOCUMENTS NOW READY. 



LIFE OF COLONEL FEEMONT. 

An oriirinal and authentic Biography of the 
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itnphlet of 32 large octavo pages, oa good type, 
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